Dear Archie, In what year were the floodlights erected at Ayresome Park?
Marc Wilkinson, Age 14, Stokesley
Archie replies:
Well, I rang the P.R. department at the club to see if they could help with your query. Unfortunately, the girl who answered didn't know exactly what Ayresome Park was, although she was very keen to "offer me a corporate sponsorship package, tailor made to meet my hospitality needs."
– from Fly Me to the Moon, Middlesbrough supporters' Fanzine."Give us back our Ajax!"
– reader's letter in De Volkskrant
In the Spring of 1966, in the Mauritshuis, an art gallery not a stone's
throw from the Parliament in The Hague, a major exhibition of Vermeer's
paintings attracted visitors from all over the world. the interest in
this unique event was so overwhelming that a special system had to be
devised to keep people moving, and all in the same direction, so that
nobody stood so long in adoration before the canvasses that others would
be denied the opportunity to get into the gallery before closing time.
As you might guess, a great deal of the money for the exhibition was
provided by sponsors, and naturally enough a special opening party was
held with a VIP tent and reception, graced by a visit from Her Majesty.
The VIPs could therefore look at the pictures at their leisure, before
the great unwashed would gain admission.
For some, this wasn't enough. Harry Mens, the multi-millionaire and Liberal
Party supporter had, despite his money, recently failed to be elected
to Parliament. The next best thing was to hog the show across the road.
For the trifling sum of £10,000, Mens hired the whole of the exhibition,
VIP tent included, for an entire evening, sending out invitations to
his friends and business connections in the Netherlands and abroad. In
the shadow of the Parliament he would show its members just what money
could buy.
Whether Harry Mens knows the first thing about paintings is not recorded.
In the age of neoliberalism it is no longer of any importance whether
the guests of honour at an exhibition have any knowledge of art, or even
any interest in it: the only thing that counts is the money that they
bring in. And as the sponsors and everyone involved in this world knows,
modern business won't work without goodwill and the very finest goodwill
is that which you can buy. So everybody ends up happy. Well, perhaps
not quite everybody.
Throughout recorded history art has always, of course, been `sponsored'
by the powerful. Roman emperors had themselves immortalised in marble.
Italian composer Claudio Monteverdi wrote many of his most important
works for the Venetian Doge, while the leaders of the German Reformed
Church of his day likewise made J.S.Bach's prodigious output possible.
Both the bourgeois revolution of the 17th and 18th Centuries and the
industrial revolution which was its consequence created powerful new
forces and individuals who in their turn hired artists to underscore
their own greatness.
Our own century is no exception to this pattern. Hitler commissioned
the architect Albert Speer to design monumental works to embody Nazi
supremacy; and no French president has left office without first enriching
Paris with some remarkable buildings. In the Netherlands `old rich' families
such as the Kröller-Müllers have given handouts to many a poor
artist, but the newly powerful have also not been slow to rise to the
occasion. Amsterdam's social-democratic administration between the wars
had the town beautified by sculptors and architects of the Amsterdam
school, while the commune of Hilversum raised urban architect Dudok to
international renown. In the '70s, thousands of artists produced hundreds
of thousands of paintings and sculptures thanks to the BKR, the artists'
section of the welfare state. Across the Atlantic, the visual arts flourished
initially, during the Depression, under the sponsorship of the New Deal
Works Progress Administration, and later, in the fat years of the 1950s,
with the support of big business.
It is therefore only to be expected that the arts in our own time have
become dependent on the generous gifts of firms like Robeco or DeltaLloyd
in the Netherlands, BBL and Generale de Banque in Belgium, Carlsberg
in Denmark or Sainsbury's supermarkets in England. The public contribution
to theatre is increasingly, in many countries, of less significance than
that of private corporations. In the popular arts, festivals can afford
to hire bigger, more expensive bands if, above the site, flags, balloons
and giant video screens promote a bank, a soft drink or a brand of trainers.
If some ageing hippies are upset when they see David Bowie advertising
Pepsi Light, too bad: it's just a typical case of `not keeping up with
the times'. The new generation of rock and rollers is happy to drive
round in a Volkswagen Golf Rolling Stone. And so one well-known
brand name helps another well-known brand name to increase its market.
Is all of this quite as innocent as it might appear? Why is it that so
many people find all of these brand names which are continually pushed
down their throats so annoying? What can be the cause of that thinly
veiled popular anger that ignites at the sight of the sponsor's blazered
VIP guests making their way to the hospitality tent? Is it all mere misplaced
nostalgia for a mythical sponsorless golden age? Or is it perhaps something
more reasonable, more important, less easily dismissed?
We are entitled to expect, nay demand from the state that it takes care
of our cultural heritage, takes part in the promotion of culture whilst
doing nothing to hinder its development, and that it helps to open people
to new, unfamiliar things. The extent to which this is dependent on the
profits of corporations, on a willingness to invest in art that depends
entirely on opportunism, threatens in the short term the intellectual
health of the people. Due to these means of finance art and culture are
becoming ever more dependent on commerce, offering the government an
excuse to withdraw still further from yet another vital area of our social
lives. Under these circumstances it has become impossible to devise an
integral vision of any long-term development.
When, a few years ago, the Royal Dutch Football Association, decided
that henceforward the first division would be called the PTT Telecompetition,
surveys showed that around 60% of the population were squarely opposed
to any such change. Of course, the name was changed despite this opposition,
because what the people want counts for little against the power of money.
And so the Netherlands followed the path carved out, predictably enough,
by the English Football Association, with its Coca Cola Cup (previously
known as the Littlewoods' Cup, previously known as, bizarrely, the Milk
Cup) its Freight Rover Trophy, its FA Cup "sponsored by Littlewoods" (the
world's oldest football competition being too holy to have to undergo
the humiliation of an actual name change) and its Nation-wide League.
People tend to balk at such things when they are first introduced, but
they eventually get used to them. Once, however often it changed its
name, the (English) Football League Cup was known to all supporters as
the "League Cup" pure and simple. Now everyone except a diminishing
number of die-hards calls it the Coca Cola Cup, and no-one laughs. In
the Netherlands, a few years on from that hostile survey result, it seems
that people have become accustomed to their football competition's new
name: a clear majority no longer have any objection to the PTT Telecompetition.
Time therefore for another step further; bring on the Amstel Cup.
The fact that people come to accept these changes is both an advantage
and a disadvantage from the point of view of the sponsors. The point
of advertising is to attract attention, and because of this the marketing
expert 'creatives' are continually on the lookout for new ways of drawing
the consumer's eye to the brand names of their clients' products. If
advertisements on players' shirts are scarcely noticed, then bring in
moving advertising hoardings that run the length of the field. If these
prove annoyingly distracting to spectators, then perhaps the centre circle
is an attractive option. In Italy the groundsman mows the sponsor's name
into the grass; in England they imprint it on the nets.
From seats specially reserved for sponsors in the grandstand, to luxurious
executive boxes, there is no limit to the commercialisation of football.
In Belgium there is now a special VIP-programme that typifies what is
becoming a universal phenomenon. Anderlecht's richer supporters can arrive
at the stadium two hours before the match; they are served lunch, can
then watch the game, and afterwards stay on for another hour or so to
enjoy a drink accompanied by live music. They arrive before and leave
after the ordinary fans.
That sponsors now bring whole plane-loads of personnel to European cup
finals; that they can fill entire sections of the stand at important
internationals with their clients and suppliers; that they leave whole
rows empty at big tennis tournaments because the corporate hospitality
tent is more interesting than the first four sets of the five-set final,
nobody thinks anything of. If you find the empty seats a sorrowful sight,
then you're a romantic and hopelessly out of date.
Then of course there are the media. No happier triangular relationship
exists than that between sport, business and television. The sums that
this holy trinity is able to generate and to pump around border on the
unimaginable. For the rights to the Olympic Games in Atlanta (where the
British 100-metre runner Lynford Christie wore contact lenses with the
sponsor's logo imprinted on them, which may have been why he was later
called out for two false starts) the American station NBC paid $0.5 billion.
All that money had to be earned back by the sale of pictures of the games,
but more importantly by the sale of advertising time. Calculations assumed
an income of twice the outlay.
Of course, all of this money must come, in the end, from the consumer's
pocket. Advertising costs are paid for when we buy the product, but things
do not stop there. Gradually, major sporting events are being taken off
the universally available terrestrial channels and put on to the far
more expensive and exclusive cable and satellite services. Moreover,
these channels are now beginning to introduce pay-as-you-view, with hefty
charges for single sporting events.
Sport is the distorted, funhouse mirror of society. Developments scarcely
noticeable in the broader society are blown up to absurd proportions
in the world of sport. That's true for things like vandalism and drug
use, but it applies above all to sports' finances. The income differences
between rich and poor are nowhere so extreme as in sport. Whilst the
ordinary player in the lower divisions of top football playing countries
will often earn as little as or less than the average industrial wage,
internationals at clubs like Arsenal, Milan or Real Madrid earn hundreds
of thousands of pounds. Ajax's budget in 1980 was around £2 million.
By 1996-97 it was ten times that amount.
The more money dominates, the less willingness there seems to be to allow
a portion of it to find its way into the community as a whole. This is
true for the top football clubs, who do not like to see too much of the
profit from the absurd amounts now paid for TV rights go to their smaller
rivals. It is also true of individual sportsmen and women such as tennis
player Richard Krajicek, who fled to Monaco just before his taxes fell
due. The case that perhaps best illustrates this lack of solidarity,
however, is that of the former international star Marco van Basten. In
an interview in Italy Van Basten saw fit to make a number of negative
remarks about unemployed people in the Netherlands. Dutch people, to
summarise the views of the young multi-millionaire, are lazy and lackadaisical.
That Van Basten, if he had been a building worker with a bad back rather
than a footballer with a dodgy ankle, would have had to live on a basic
level of benefit was apparently beyond the power of his imagination.
There's nothing so very strange about this. It is easy to lose sight
of reality if, as is so often the case with our top sportsmen and women,
you have already by the time you are twenty entered a world where millions
are spoken of as if they were hundreds. The world of sport and business
allows us to see where the free market leads to whenever it is carried
to an extreme. A crazy race for `more, better, different', a race with
very few winners and many, many losers, a world of vulgars who must call
themselves VIPs, and of fathers of tennis players who hide their beloved
daughters' millions from the tax-man.
The commercialisation of sport is nevertheless a relatively innocent
phenomenon. Much more serious is the irresistible invasion by business
of the world of young children. Children are even more susceptible than
are adults to the hidden persuaders of advertising. While most older
people are able to resist the ridiculous dictatorship of fashion, children
often lack the ability to do so, going through a period of their lives
in which they are inclined to copy the behaviour of others. Most of all
they want one thing: to belong. They are often insecure and shy, still
seeking their place in the world, their opinions and their future.
It is this uncertainty into which the manufacturers of shoes, clothes,
diaries, watches and bags sink their claws. "If you want to fit
in at school, if you're going out with friends, then you must buy product
X" is the advertisers' hidden message. What is important is not
that the children buy the stuff, but the fact that children use branded
products as a standard through which they will judge and sometimes condemn
each other. Children who haven't got the right trainers, the ones that
cost perhaps £100 a pair, don't count. A few years ago in some
schools in the Netherlands the term Zebra-kind (Zebra-child)
was all the rage. The word was made up of the names of the cheap clothes
shops, Zeeman and Wibra. Zebra-kind was a term of abuse for
children whose parents were not prepared to shell out huge sums of money
for a shirt with a crocodile on it.
It is this sort of madness that drives many parents to despair. Who wants
their children to be teased or bullied at school just because of their
clothes? And of course, it isn't just a matter of clothes, or footwear;
there are also `game boys', mountain bikes, roller blades and all the
rest, toys which are often very expensive and which children can no longer
appear in public without – at least if you believe the advertisers.
neoliberal ideology offers no solution to this problem. Indeed, it would
like it not to be seen as a problem at all. The market for trainers and
toys must be like all other markets, never contracting, always expanding.
So ever more areas of life become commercialised, from the cradle to
the teenagers' bedroom, from the toddlers' birthday treat to the school
party.
The newest business opportunity of all is right there, in the commercialisation
of school activities. Isn't it kind of Mars, in exchange for a few flags
and posters, to put money into sports days? Could we not give the canteen
a nice face-lift if we could only find a sponsor? And why shouldn't we
change the name of the school to, for example, Esprit College, if an
injection of finance from the eponymous clothes shop is received in exchange?
The possibilities are gigantic and still nowhere near exhausted. Where
the state forces schools to survive on smaller and smaller budgets, business
stands ready to fill the gaps with every conceivable form of sponsorship.
Need computers for your classrooms? We can help. The gym could do with
sprucing up? Leave it to us. So, in the Netherlands, we have seen the
supermarket chain Albert Heyn sponsoring numerous new canteens, McDonalds
paying for badly needed new classrooms, Postbank financing television
schools programmes and educational materials distributed by Shell, Lego
and Coca-Cola. In 1995 alone, total sponsorship money amounted to £10
million.
Of course, things could be worse. In the United States, that sponsors'
Valhalla, a manufacturer of audio-visual materials offered free of charge
a large quantity of apparatus for a schools' TV network, provided the
school signed a binding contract committing it to accepting two minutes'
advertising on the network each day. Around 10,000 schools signed up.
The Netherlands is not America; but who would have guessed ten years
ago that we would allow sponsorship in our schools at all? If we are
unable ourselves to control such things, then we can hardly shake our
heads at the example of the United States. What happens there, happens
in Europe five years later.
The growing influence of sponsorship in education is a typical example
of where the dichotomy between private wealth and public squalor leads.
Firms are currently so overflowing with money that they do not know what
to do with it, so they invest it in the creation of corporate identity.
If schools offer them a chance to reach the (future) target group in
an environment which is above suspicion then they are quick to grasp
the opportunity. That this contributes to the gap between schools in
rich and those in poorer areas, no one seems to mind. In its acceptance
of the results of the enormous differences between parental contributions – varying
from next to nothing to hundreds of pounds a year – the state has
long tolerated such inequality.
University education has also not escaped the malign touch of the long
arm of commerce. Increasing amounts of private finance have found their
way into the system. `The entrepreneurial university' has taken the place
of the university as a free space for thought and study, and academic
freedom is ever more subordinated to the demands of business and industry.
Instead of the university producing graduates who can marshal an argument,
analyse, and think independently and coherently, what is now on offer
is an education for people who want to make a career as quickly as possible
and earn a lot of money. Where is the will to elevate people? Where are
the intellectuals who are still not afraid to stick their necks out,
for whom the search for truth still has some meaning? A nation which
no longer has the will to invest in its own intellectual élite
is sounding its own death-knell, as it is if it produces an élite
which has not the slightest sense of responsibility towards the rest
of society.
In 1996 the University of Amsterdam produced a report which concluded
that there was "already evident a gradual privatisation of scientific
education and research." Far from concluding that it was high time
that this process was resisted, the report proposed that academics ought
to fill the gaps appeared in university finances by accepting assignments
from private corporations. When the University of Nijenrode decided in
1993 to bestow an honorary doctorate on Albert Heyn, the Netherlands'
biggest grocer, André Klukhuhn of the State University of Utrecht
had this to say:
The university is becoming ever more a business-minded and rationalised institution in which potentially profitable knowledge is on offer. The time needed for reflection, to read about things that are not directly work-related, to discuss with other students and lecturers, this time is wholly absent, and it is this pure grocer's mentality that threatens wisdom.
Why did Klukhuhn, and a very few others, remain so many voices in the wilderness? Is there really remaining so little feeling of attachment to the independence of science? Who are the universities actually educating? And where is all that engagement and commitment that characterised earlier generations of students throughout the world? Talk of the reduction of study time, higher fees and replacing student grants with loans. All or some of which are currently taking place in most countries of the developed world – have clearly obscured students' vision of what is really essential: reason for the governments which instigated these attacks to be doubly happy.
In 1992 a hitherto important frontier was at last transgressed: for
the first time in the Netherlands more than 10 billion guilders – around £3.4
billion was spent on advertising. By 1995 this had risen to almost 12
billion guilders, almost a fifth of which went on TV ads. Spending on
this form of `consumer information' continues to climb ever higher. In
1989 144 commercials a day were broadcast. By 1994 the number had reached
726, and the average viewer was seeing 26 advertisements daily.
Of course, compared to many other countries these figures are paltry.
The average British viewer of commercial television will see more than
26 ads during the three slots that begin, interrupt and end the average
soap or sitcom. US programmes are interrupted so frequently that they
come close to revealing the terrible truth. For the broadcasters it is
the programmes provide an unwelcome break in the flow of commercials,
not vice versa.
Apart from the sheer quantity, the quality is worthy of one or two remarks.
Few TV ads in any country exhibit an excess of good taste. Every year
they become more crude and brutal, showing less and less respect for
the viewer. Meanwhile, the clients and producers themselves have discovered
that viewers are growing increasingly irritated by their efforts. Their
response has been to advertise advertising, trying to promote the idea
that commercials are necessary and beneficial: "How do you think
these fine programmes are paid for?"
True enough, programmes are increasingly paid for out of the revenue
from advertising. But what else does this mean but that the viewer pays
for them? And if it is the viewers that pay, why should they not opt
for a truly public broadcasting service? In the UK the venerable BBC
feels so threatened by the advance of neoliberalism that it now makes
its own ads, promoting the way in which its programmes are produced and
financed. A number of clips from leading programmes are shown with a
caption that says that these `unique programmes' are linked to a `unique'
system of financing, public funding.
It might be reasonable to ask whether anyone ever asked for all these
commercials, whether anyone really enjoys the fact that their children
are bombarded with ads specially directed at them. Who in Belgium, for
instance, demanded that the state broadcasting system began to carry
ads?
The problem is that commercials accept no limits, no other criteria than
the answer to the question: will it bring in money? Once again, laissez-faire,
laissez-passer is the golden rule. No one dares to turn round and say:
enough! This is as far as it will go! Meanwhile, the broadcasting companies
increasingly feel the need to adapt their own programmes to the standards
set by the commercials. What do you mean, television also has a duty
to inform and educate? Viewing figures, that's the criterion, for both
broadcasting bosses and the advertisers.
Is this then a plea for élitist television, for programmes in
which no one is interested? Not in the least. It is a plea for quality
and against the overkill of sentimentalism, the casual vulgarity, the
superficiality, hurry and carelessness that characterises so much of
the current output.
The American social critic Neil Postman wrote, in 1985, a book about
what he termed the 'mind numbing influence of television'. The book,
which has since become a standard work, appeared in Dutch under the title Wij
amuseren ons kapot ('Entertaining Ourselves to Death'). Postman
had this to say about American television:
The average length of a shot on network television is only 3,5 seconds, so that the eye never rests, always has something new to see. Moreover, television offers viewers a variety of subject matters, requires minimal skills to comprehend it, and is largely aimed at emotional gratification ( ) American television, in other words is devoted entirely to supplying its audience with entertainment.
Not that Postman has anything against entertainment. On the contrary, he wrote,
Show business is not entirely without an idea of excellence, but its main business is to please the crowd, and its principal instrument is artifice. If politics is like show business, then the idea is not to pursue excellence, clarity or honesty, but to appear as if you are, which is another matter altogether
This also goes for news programmes. He gives the example of the McNeil-Lehrer Newshour, describing its approach as follows:
The consequence is that Americans are "better entertained and less well-informed."
From a survey that was conducted immediately after the so-called Iranian
hostage drama – when a large number of US embassy staffers in Tehran
were held hostage for several months by supporters of Khomeiny – it
appeared that despite the obsessive media attention, less than 1% of
the American people knew what language was spoken in Iran, what the word "ayatollah" meant
or what religion the Iranians followed. Postman's opinion was that there
are three things expected from TV programme-makers: your programmes shall
demand no previous knowledge; you shall not make it difficult for the
viewer; and you shall avoid thorough explanation like the plague.
Of course, this has far-reaching social consequences. As Postman writes:
In America the fundamental metaphor for political discourse is the television commercial. The television commercial is the most peculiar and pervasive form of communication to issue forth from the electric plug. An American who has reached the age of forty will have seen well over one million television commercials in his or her lifetime and has close to another million to go before the first Social Security check arrives. We may safely assume therefore that the television commercial has profoundly influenced American habits of thought.
The way in which US presidential elections are conducted confirms what
Postman says. Superficiality increasingly wins out over depth, sensationalism
over analysis and emotion over sober re-election.
Postman draws an unusually sombre picture, but that is not to say that
his message should not be taken as a warning worthy of being heeded.
A warning not to give in to the forces whose only use for modern means
of communication and information is the pursuit of their own short-sighted
financial interests and who take no interest in the human or social consequences
of their actions.
Charles Groenhuisen and Ad van Liempt warn in their book Live! about
the "power, the blunders and the opinions of TV news programme makers" which
are creating a new division between "an `upper' layer which is informed
and an `under' layer which zaps away from information." The latter
group gains its information increasingly from `real-life' TV programmes
and sensationalist `documentaries'. "But these programmes," Groenhuijsen
and Van Liempt write, "do not have informing people as their primary
aim. Entertainment and sensation are of prime importance. In itself,
there's nothing wrong with that. The danger lies in the mixing of fact
and fiction." Journalists become entertainers and news entertainment.
Groenhuijsen and Van Liempt, themselves journalists, caution that in
the near future this could have major implications for the way people
see the world. They write:
The generation growing up now sees the past and present ever more through the spectacles of television. It is their principal if not their only source of information about the outside world. Reading about politics, culture or history is becoming, amongst ever larger groups of people, a rare activity.
As is so often the case, as far as the media goes we in Europe are adopting
American practices. It would be naive to think that this will simply
change, certainly given the liberal zeitgeist. We are already offered
programmes that allow us to see live coverage of terrible accidents.
Too bad, their makers believe, if they get in the way of ambulance personnel
and ignore the right to privacy of those involved. Such behaviour is
also, of course, likely to have its effects on standards of conduct in
the broader society.
The speed at which the commercialisation of the media is proceeding is
matched only by the snail-like response of those guardians of the public
order, political leaders. No one seems to be exactly burning to find
a real solution to the problem. But how could it be otherwise? Anyone
wanting to answer the questions the problem raises would at least have
to have a clear idea of the state's responsibilities, and it is just
such a vision that is missing from government across Europe.
It would, of course, take courage to reform broadcasting. If we were
to have, say, two or three public channels, in each country, without
advertising, it would not solve all our problems overnight. But such
an innovation would place broadcasters in a good position to choose whether
to stop adjusting to the standards set by their commercial rivals and
return to their roots, or adapt themselves more fully to the commercial
milieu and leave the serving of the public interest to others. Such a
model would make the true situation transparent and draw a line under
what has so far been lost. It offers the last possibility of constructing
a dam to hold back the deterioration of the television medium into a
kind of intellectual deficiency.
Whenever you question the growth of sponsorship and advertising you
are likely to hear the same argument, that the many pleasures of modern
life would simply be unaffordable without them. This is of course senseless.
Only a few years ago every cage in the zoo had its own notice that told
you about the way of life and area of distribution of the animals on
display. In this way children learned how the Siberian tiger was threatened
by extinction, how old a gorilla can grow, and so on. Now other notices
have appeared: "These young monkeys were adopted by Kampen Family
Butchers"; "This Indian Elephant is sponsored by Kodak." But
has entrance to the zoo become cheaper? On the contrary, the price has
rocketed.
Similar developments have affected museums, art galleries and theatres.
The rooms might now be named after computer-makers, life assurance companies
or supermarkets, but despite this the entrance price keeps increasing.
Sponsorship has not stopped the Museum of Fine Arts in Brussels or the
Victoria and Albert in London from ending their policies of free admission.
Is there perhaps then a noticeable improvement in what's on offer? This
is, to say the least, doubtful. Of course there are more mega-exhibitions
such as the Vermeer discussed above. Witness the queues outside such
events, whether in Paris, Brussels, Amsterdam or London and you will
realise that not to have visited the latest of these `vitally important'
exhibitions has become social death in certain circles. The recent Paul
Delvaux retrospective in Brussels was booked up for several weeks in
advance, despite an exorbitant admission price. The excellent and extensive
collection of his works which hangs permanently in the same museum and
which can be seen for £2 can almost always be viewed in a leisurely
fashion in a sparsely-populated gallery. And if more international stars
come to the concert hall of your capital or regional centre, then you
can be sure that not only will the prices of tickets be prohibitive,
but that half of the seats will be taken by the sponsors' guests.
The real reason for commercialisation is clearly then one of ideological
choice, a choice against the state and in favour of the market. As a
result the whole of our culture, from pop music and sport to paintings
and opera, is given over to the laws of the market and thus to a one-dimensional,
conformist, commercial banality that we simply, of course, have to tolerate.
“Enough” Contents: